А кто контролирует?
Ну скажем построят они автобан и будут гонять фуры между аль танаф и восточным Евфратом через абк когда с игилом закончат, и что союзники бомбить их будут?
Я понял, что нет рычагов давления на Ирак в таком важном вопросе для американцев, как недопущение Ирана к средиземному морю
Тебе осталось задать себе простой вопрос. С октября 2017 Абк и окрестности под «контролем» лоялов. Почему за 7 месяцев персы не отправили конвой в Дамаск а предпочитают доставлять воздухом. Тем более конвои они спокойно могут усилить пару сотней бойцов что будет превышать игиловцев в округе. Как только пройдёт Абк могут подлететь вертолеты и взять под воздушное прикрытие. На такой Безумный Макс игиловцы никогда не попрут.
Значит с кем то не договорились кто то им шепнул censoredвамврот а не конвой. Но это в Сирии. А в Ираке в прошлом году было интересное событие. Прочти внимательно и осмысли
The Iraqi government’s decision last spring to award the contract for securing the Baghdad-Amman highway to the Olive Group reignited the debate about the role of US security firms in Iraq. The experience of US private military contractors in Iraq has been mired in challenges, most notably in the 2007 Nisour Square massacre when Blackwater security guards opened fire in a crowded traffic circle in Baghdad. The fact is that as long as mandatory military service is not restored by the US government, Washington will continue to rely on private military contractors to take on security jobs in war zones.
While these security firms continue to play a key role in securing Iraqi facilities, the number of US contractors in Iraq decreased from 150,000 in 2008 to 66,000 in 2014. Although the Olive Group already has established its presence in Iraq (securing Najaf International Airport and oil fields in the south), the new role it is about to assume will have long-term implications for Iraq and its neighbors.
Further, President Donald Trump’s Administration apparently helped broker the highway deal. There are reports that an aide to Iraqi Prime Minister Haider al-Abadi said that Trump’s son-in-law and senior advisor, Jared Kushner, raised the issue during his visit to Baghdad in April. While the parameters of the deal are neither clear nor published, the 25-year contract includes securing and maintaining the road, repairing the damaged bridges, and building rest areas. The US firm is expected to collect tolls from passing trucks and pay taxes to the Iraqi government in return.
The significance of controlling the Baghdad-Amman highway cannot be overstated. The roadway that goes into Syria, via the al-Waleed crossing, leads to the al-Tanf military base
where US forces are currently based. Along that highway in Anbar Province, US forces are also deployed in al-Habbaniyah military base
(between Fallujah and Ramadi) and in Ain al-Assad air base in al-Baghdadi. US officials believe that the contract with the Olive Group will serve two purposes: to help the economic development of Anbar and to push back Iranian-backed PMF groups.
Furthermore, in southwest Anbar, another roadway splits from Highway 1 to the Arar border crossing toward Saudi Arabia. That border was reopened last month after 27 years of closure, which is part of a diplomatic effort to reassert US and Arab influence in Iraq to counterbalance Iranian leverage. The project around Highway 1 could ultimately build a Sunni buffer zone that would ease Saudi and Jordanian concerns about Iranian-backed PMF groups potentially deploying close to border areas in Anbar.
http://arabcenterdc....-amman-highway/
В Ираке нет монолитного правительства. Ни в силовом аппарате ни в парламенте. Абади в отличие от Малики не складывает свои яйца в одну корзину. Ещё неизвестно что будет с Ираном.
Зы. Смайлики сам добавил
Сообщение отредактировал джяллад: 26 Апрель 2018 - 00:42
